||এই নিবন্ধ বা অনুচ্ছেদটি পরিবর্ধন বা বড় কোনো পুনর্গঠনের মধ্যে রয়েছে। এটির উন্নয়নের জন্য আপনার যে কোনো প্রকার সহায়তাকে স্বাগত জানানো হচ্ছে। যদি এই নিবন্ধ বা অনুচ্ছেদটি|
|সক্রিয়||১৯ শতাব্দী থেকে|
|বিচরন||ইউরোপে ইতালি, যুক্তরাজ্য এবং জার্মানি
|জাতি||Made men are Italians, mostly Sicilians|
|সন্ত্রাসী কর্মকান্ড||র্যাকেটিয়ারিং, মাদক পাচার, খুন, চাঁদাবাজি, bid rigging, loansharking, assault, smuggling, political corruption, illegal gambling, পতিতাবৃত্তি, মানি লন্ডারিং, fencing, ডাকাতি|
|মিত্র||আমেরিকান মাফিয়া, কামোররা, 'Ndrangheta, কর্সিকান মাফিয়া, মেক্সিকান ড্রাগ কার্টেল, and, formerly, the Banda della Magliana, and Mala del Brenta|
|প্রতিদ্বন্দ্বী||Various Camorra and 'Ndrangheta clans[তথ্যসূত্র প্রয়োজন]|
সিসিলীয় মাফিয়া, সাধারণে মাফিয়া নামেও পরিচিত, এবং এর সদস্যদের ভাষায় কজা নস্ত্রা (ইতালীয় উচ্চারণ: [ˈkɔsa ˈnɔstra], আমাদের জিনিস), হলো ইতালির সিসিলির একটি অপরাধী সিন্ডিকেট। এটা একইরকম সাংগাঠনিক কাঠামো এবং আচরণবিধি বিশিষ্ট অপরাধী দলগুলোর একটি অগোছালো গোষ্ঠী। মূল দলটাকে বলা হয় "ফ্যামিলিয়া" (বা পরিবার), "ক্ল্যান" বা "কোসকা"। প্রত্যেক পরিবারই নির্দিষ্ট একটি অঞ্চলে, সাধারণত কোনো শহর বা গ্রাম বা বড় নগরের নিকটস্থ এলাকায় (বর্গাটা), সার্বভৌমত্ব দাবি করে, যেখানে তারা তাদের র্যাকেট (সংগঠিতভাবে অবৈধ অর্থ আদায়) চালায়। মাফিয়ার সদস্যরা নিজেদেরকে বলে "সম্মানিত ব্যক্তি", তবে জনসাধারণ তাদেকে "মাফিয়োজি" বলে থাকে। মাফিয়াদের মূল কর্মকাণ্ড হলো প্রোটেকশন র্যাকেটিয়ারিং, বিবাদমান অপরাধীদের মধ্যে মধ্যস্থতা করা, এবং অবৈধ চুক্তি বা অর্থ লেনদেন সংগঠিত ও দেখভাল করা।
অভিবাসনের স্রোতে যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের মতো অনেক দেশে মাফিয়া ছড়িয়ে পড়েছে।
- ১ ব্যুৎপত্তি
- ২ ইতিহাস
- ৩ আরো দেখুন
- ৪ তথ্যসূত্র
- ৫ উৎস
- ৬ বহিঃসংযোগ
মাফিয়া শব্দটির উৎপত্তি হয়েছে সিসিলিতে। সিসিলীয় ভাষার বিশেষণ মাফিয়ুসু (ইতালীয়: মাফিয়োসো) শব্দটির মোটামুটি অর্থ হলো "সদম্ভে হাঁটা", তবে "বাহাদুরি" বা "নির্ভীকতা" অর্থেও ব্যবহার করা হয়। ডিয়েগু গ্যামবেটার মতে 19 শতকে সিসিলিতে মাফিয়ুসু শব্দের স্পষ্ট কোনো অর্থ ছিল না; এটা দিয়ে বোঝাতো মাস্তান, উদ্ধত তবে একইসাথে নির্ভীক, উদ্যমী এবং গর্বিত একজনকে। মেয়েদের ক্ষেত্রে শব্দটির স্ত্রীরূপ "মাফিয়ুসা" বলতে বোঝায় সুন্দরী এবং আকর্ষণীয়। সিসিলির ত্রপানি এবং মারসালা শহরের গুহাগুলোকে সিসিলীয় ভাষায় বলে "মাফিয়ে", যেগুলা কিনা শরণার্থী এবং অপরাধীদের লুকিয়ে থাকার স্থান হিসেবে পরিচিত ছিল।
সিসিলি একসময় মুসলিম আমিরাত বা রাজ্য ছিল, তাই "মাফিয়া" শব্দটির উৎস আরবিও হতে পারে। শব্দটির সম্ভাব্য আরবি মূলগুলোর মধ্যে রয়েছে:
- মাহয়াস (مهياص) = উদ্ধতভাবে দম্ভপ্রকাশ
- মারফুদ (مرفوض) = প্রত্যাখ্যাত
- মুয়াফা = নিরাপত্তা, রক্ষা
- মা আফির = একটি আরব গোত্র যারা পালের্মো শাসন করতো।
অপরাধীদের গোপন সংঘের সাথে শব্দটা জুড়ে যায় সম্ভবত 1863 সালের একটি মঞ্চনাটক "I mafiusi di la Vicaria" ("ভিকারিয়ার মাফিয়োজি") থেকে। গুসেপ্পে রিজোট্টো এবং গেটানো মসকা পরিচালিত নাটকটিতে মাফিয়া বা মাফিয়োজি শব্দগুলো একবারো ব্যবহৃত হয়নি, তবে হয়তো একটু স্থানীয় মাত্রা যোগ করার জন্য নাটকের নামে শব্দটি যোগ করা হয়েছিল। নাটকটা ছিল পালের্মোর এক কারাগারের ভেতরের অপরাধচক্রকে ঘিরে, মাফিয়ার মতোই সেই চক্রে থাকে একজন বস, নতুন সদস্যদের দীক্ষাদান করা হয়, এবং "উমির্তা" (ওমের্তা বা নীরবতার নিয়ম) ও "পিজ্জো" (চাঁদাবাজির টাকার সাংকেতিক নাম) প্রভৃতি ব্যবহৃত হয়। ইতালিতে নাটকটি অত্যন্ত জনপ্রিয় হয়। কিছুদিনের মধ্যেই ইতালীয় রাজ্যসমূহের সংবাদ প্রতিবেদনে অনুরূপ ব্যাপারগুলোকে "মাফিয়া" বলে আখ্যায়িত করা হতে থাকে। তবে শব্দটির প্রথম প্রাতিষ্ঠানিক ব্যবহার হয় 1865 সালে, পালের্মোর প্রিফেক্ট ফিলিপ্পো আন্তোনিও গুয়ালতেরিওর লেখা একটি প্রতিবেদনে।
বর্তমানে অনুরূপ গঠনকাঠামো, কর্মপদ্ধতি ও স্বার্থবিশিষ্ট যেকোনো সংঘবদ্ধ অপরাধী নেটওয়ার্কের জন্য মাফিয়া শব্দটি শ্রেণিনাম হয়ে উঠেছে। অবশ্য মাফিয়াবিরোধী বিচারক জিওভান্নি ফ্যালকোনি, যিনি 1992 সালে মাফিয়াদের দ্বারা নিহত হন, সংঘবদ্ধ অপরাধ আর "মাফিয়া" দুটো বিষয়খে সাধারণত এক করে দেখার বিরুদ্ধে আপত্তি করেন:
While there was a time when people were reluctant to pronounce the word "Mafia" ... nowadays people have gone so far in the opposite direction that it has become an overused term ... I am no longer willing to accept the habit of speaking of the Mafia in descriptive and all-inclusive terms that make it possible to stack up phenomena that are indeed related to the field of organised crime but that have little or nothing in common with the Mafia.— Giovanni Falcone, 1990
দলত্যাগী মাফিয়াদের কথানুসারে, মাফিৎার প্রকৃত নাম "কোসা নস্ত্রা" ("আমাদের ব্যাপার")। ইতালীয়-আমেরিকান মাফিয়োসো জোসেফ ভালাচি 1963 সালে ইউএস সিনেট কমিটি অন গভর্নমেন্ট অপারেশনসের পার্মাপেন্ট সাবকমিটি অন ইনভেস্টিগেশনে জবানবন্দি দেয় যা "ভালাচি শুনানি" নামে পরিচিত। সে জানায়, মার্কিন মাফিয়োসিরা তাদের সংগঠনকে বলতো কোসা ন্স্ত্রা ("আমাদের ব্যাপার" বা "আমাদের বিষয়") সেসময় নামটা যথার্থ মনে হয়েছিল; এফবিআই সেটা চালু রাখে এবং সংবাদমাধ্যমও প্রচার চালায়। এমনকি এফবিআই কথাটার আগে পদাশ্রিত নির্দেশক লা বসিয়ে করে দেয় লা কোসা নস্ত্রা (যদিও ইতালীয় ভাষায় কোসা নস্ত্রার আগে লা যোগ করা হয় না)।
1984 সালে মাফিয়া দলত্যাগী টমাসো বুসেটা মাফিয়াবিরোধী বিচারক জিওভান্নি ফ্যালকোনির কাছে প্রকাশ করে যে সিসিলীয় মাফিয়াও ঐ নামটা ব্যবহার করে। "মাফিয়া" শব্দটাকে সে সাহিত্যিকদের সৃষ্টি বলে উড়িয়ে দেয়। অ্যান্টোনিনো ক্যালডেরোন এবং সালভাতর কনটর্নো প্রমুখ দলত্যাগীরাও সংঘের সদস্যদের কোসা নস্ত্রা শব্দবন্ধটি ব্যবহার করার কথা স্বীকার করে। মাফিয়োসিরা পরিচিত সদস্যদের অপরের সাথে পরিচয় করিয়ে দিতে বলে, সে কোসা নস্ত্রা ("আমাদের বিষয়")-এর লোক অথবা লা স্টেসা কোসা ("একই বিষয়"), অর্থাৎ "সেও তোমার মতোই একজন - মাফিয়োসো।"
ইতিহাসে দেখা যায়, সিসিলীয় মাফিয়ার পরিচয়ে আরো কিছু নাম ব্যবহৃত হয়েছে, যেমন "সম্মানিত সংঘ"। মাফিয়োসিরা নিজেদের মধ্যে "সম্মানিত ব্যক্তি" বা "মর্যাদাবান ব্যক্তি" বলে কথিত হয়।
কোসা নস্ত্রাকে ইতালির আর দশটা মাফিয়া-অনুরূপ সংঘের সাথে গুলিয়ে ফেলা যাবে না, যেমন কালাব্রিয়ার দ্রাংঘেটা, কাম্পানিয়ার কামোরা, বা আপুলিয়ার সাকরা কোরোনা উনিটা।
মাফিয়োসিরা অত্যন্ত গোপনীয়তাপ্রবণ এবং তারা নিজেদের কোনো ঐতিহাসিক দলিল রাখে না বলে কোসা নস্ত্রার উৎপত্তির রূপরেখা আবিষ্কার করা কঠিন। কথিত আছে তারা নিজেদের অতীত সম্পর্কে ইচ্ছাকৃতভাবে বানোয়াট কথা বলে এবং একসময় নিজেরাই সেসব বিশ্বাস করতে থাকে।
The Mafia began in the 19th century. Modern scholars believe that the seeds were planted in the upheaval of Sicily's transition out of feudalism beginning in 1812 and its later annexation by mainland Italy in 1860. Under feudalism, the nobility owned most of the land and enforced law and order through their private armies. After 1812, the feudal barons steadily sold off or rented their lands to private citizens. Primogeniture was abolished, land could no longer be seized to settle debts, and one fifth of the land became private property of the peasants. After Italy annexed Sicily in 1860, it redistributed a large share of public and church land to private citizens. The result was a huge increase in landowners — from 2,000 in 1812 to 20,000 by 1861. With this increase in property owners and commerce came more disputes that needed settling, contracts that needed enforcing, transactions that needed oversight, and properties that needed protecting. The barons were releasing their private armies to let the state take over the job of enforcing the law, but the new authorities were not up to the task, largely due to their inexperience with capitalism. Lack of manpower was also a problem; there were often fewer than 350 active policemen for the entire island. Some towns did not have any permanent police force, only visited every few months by some troops to collect malcontents, leaving criminals to operate with impunity in the interim. Compounding these problems was banditry; rising food prices, the loss of public and church lands, and the loss of feudal commons pushed many desperate peasants to steal. In the face of rising crime, booming commerce, and inefficient authorities, property owners turned to extralegal arbitrators and protectors. These extralegal protectors eventually organized themselves into the first Mafia clans.
In countryside towns that lacked formal constabulary, local elites responded to banditry by recruiting young men into "companies-at-arms" to hunt down thieves and negotiate the return of stolen property, in exchange for a pardon for the thieves and a fee from the victims. These companies-at-arms were often made up of former bandits and criminals, usually the most skilled and violent of them. This saved communities the trouble of training their own policemen, but it may have made the companies-at-arms more inclined to collude with their former brethren rather than destroy them. Scholars such as Salvatore Lupo have identified these groups as "proto-Mafia".
The Mafia was (and still is) a largely western phenomenon. There was little Mafia activity in the eastern half of Sicily. This did not mean that there was little violence; the most violent conflicts over land took place in the east, but they did not involve mafiosi. In the east, the ruling elites were more cohesive and active during the transition from feudalism to capitalism. They maintained their large stables of enforcers and were able to absorb or suppress any emerging violent groups. Furthermore, the land in the east was generally divided into a smaller number of large estates so that there were fewer landowners, and their large estates often required its guardians to patrol it full-time. The owners of such estates needed to hire full-time guardians. By contrast in the west, the estates tended to be smaller and thus did not require the total, round-the-clock attention of a protector. It was cheaper for these estates to contract their protection to a mafioso rather than employing full-time guards. A mafioso in these regions could protect multiple small estates at once, which gave him great independence and leverage to charge high prices. The landowners in this region were also frequently absent and could not watch over their properties should the protector withdraw, further increasing his bargaining power.
The early Mafia was heavily involved with citrus growers and cattle ranchers, as these industries were particularly vulnerable to thieves and vandals and thus badly needed protection. Citrus plantations had a fragile production system that made them quite vulnerable to sabotage. Likewise, cattle are very easy to steal. The Mafia was often more effective than the police at recovering stolen cattle; in the 1920s, it was noted that the Mafia's success rate at recovering stolen cattle was 95%, whereas the police managed only 10%.
In 1864, Niccolò Turrisi Colonna, leader of the Palermo National Guard, wrote of a "sect of thieves" that operated throughout Sicily. This "sect" was mostly rural, composed of cattle thieves, smugglers, wealthy farmers, and their guards. The sect made "affiliates every day of the brightest young people coming from the rural class, of the guardians of the fields in the Palermitan countryside, and of the large number of smugglers; a sect which gives and receives protection to and from certain men who make a living on traffic and internal commerce. It is a sect with little or no fear of public bodies, because its members believe that they can easily elude this." It had special signals to recognize each other, offered protection services, scorned the law, and had a code of loyalty and non-interaction with the police known as umirtà ("code of silence"). Colonna warned in his report that the Italian government's brutal and clumsy attempts to crush crime only made the problem worse by alienating the populace. An 1865 dispatch from the prefect of Palermo to Rome first officially described the phenomenon as a "Mafia". An 1876 police report makes the earliest known description of the familiar initiation ritual.
Mafiosi meddled in politics early on, bullying voters into voting for candidates they favored. At this period in history, only a small fraction of the Sicilian population could vote, so a single mafia boss could control a sizable chunk of the electorate and thus wield considerable political leverage. Mafiosi used their allies in government to avoid prosecution as well as persecute less well-connected rivals. The highly fragmented and shaky Italian political system allowed cliques of Mafia-friendly politicians to exert a lot of influence.
In a series of reports between 1898 and 1900, Ermanno Sangiorgi, the police chief of Palermo, identified 670 mafiosi belonging to eight Mafia clans that went through alternating phases of cooperation and conflict. The report mentioned initiation rituals and codes of conduct, as well as criminal activities that included counterfeiting, kidnappings for ransom, murder, robbery, and witness intimidation. The Mafia also maintained funds to support the families of imprisoned members and pay defense lawyers. In an attempt to annihilate the Mafia, Italian troops arrested 64 people of Palermo in February 1898.
One study attributes the emergence of the Sicilian Mafia to the resource curse. Early Mafia activity is strongly linked to Sicilian municipalities abundant in sulphur, Sicily's most valuable export commodity. The combination of a weak state and a lootable natural resource made the sulphur-rich parts of Sicily conducive to the emergence of mafia-type organisations. The emergence of a valuable natural resource in areas where law enforcement is weak or absent creates a demand for private protection (which mafia-type organizations can supply) and opportunities for extortion (by mafia-type organizations). A forthcoming study in the Journal of Economic History also links the emergence of the Sicilian Mafia to surging demand for oranges and lemons following the late 18th century discovery that citrus fruits cured scurvy.
In 1925, Benito Mussolini initiated a campaign to destroy the Mafia and assert Fascist control over Sicilian life. The Mafia threatened and undermined his power in Sicily, and a successful campaign would strengthen him as the new leader, legitimizing and empowering his rule. This would be a great propaganda coup for Fascism, and it would also provide an excuse to suppress his political opponents on the island, since many Sicilian politicians had Mafia links.
As prime minister, he visited Sicily in May 1924 and passed through Piana dei Greci where he was received by mayor/Mafia boss Francesco Cuccia. At some point, Cuccia expressed surprise at Mussolini's police escort and whispered in his ear: "You are with me, you are under my protection. What do you need all these cops for?" Mussolini rejected Cuccia's offer of protection, and the sindaco felt that he had been slighted and instructed the townsfolk not to attend the duce's speech. Mussolini felt humiliated and outraged.
Cuccia's careless remark has passed into history as the catalyst for Mussolini's war on the Mafia. Mussolini firmly established his power in January 1925; he appointed Cesare Mori as the Prefect of Palermo in October 1925 and granted him special powers to fight the Mafia. Mori formed a small army of policemen, carabinieri and militiamen, which went from town to town rounding up suspects. To force suspects to surrender, they would take their families hostage, sell off their property, or publicly slaughter their livestock. By 1928, more than 11,000 suspects were arrested. Confessions were sometimes extracted through beatings and torture. Some mafiosi who had been on the losing end of Mafia feuds voluntarily cooperated with prosecutors, perhaps as a way of obtaining protection and revenge. Charges of Mafia association were typically leveled at poor peasants and gabellotti (farm leaseholders), but were avoided when dealing with major landowners. Many were tried en masse. More than 1,200 were convicted and imprisoned, and many others were internally exiled without trial.
Mori's campaign ended in June 1929 when Mussolini recalled him to Rome. He did not permanently crush the Mafia as the Fascist press proclaimed, but his campaign was nonetheless very successful at suppressing it. As Mafia informant Antonino Calderone reminisced: "The music changed. Mafiosi had a hard life. [...] After the war the mafia hardly existed anymore. The Sicilian Families had all been broken up."
Sicily's murder rate sharply declined. Landowners were able to raise the legal rents on their lands, sometimes as much as ten-thousandfold. Many mafiosi fled to the United States, and to a lesser extent, Canada. Among these were Carlo Gambino and Joseph Bonanno, who became powerful Mafia bosses in New York City in the United States, as well as Nicolo Rizzuto and Vito Rizzuto in Montreal in Canada.
In 1943, nearly half a million Allied troops invaded Sicily. Crime soared in the upheaval and chaos. Many inmates escaped from their prisons, banditry returned, and the black market thrived. During the first six months of Allied occupation, party politics were banned in Sicily. Most institutions were destroyed, with the exception of the police and carabinieri, and the American occupiers had to build a new order from scratch. As Fascist mayors were deposed, the Allied Military Government of Occupied Territories (AMGOT) simply appointed replacements. Many turned out to be mafiosi, such as Calogero Vizzini and Giuseppe Genco Russo. They could easily present themselves as political dissidents, and their anti-communist position gave them additional credibility. Mafia bosses reformed their clans, absorbing some of the marauding bandits into their ranks.
The changing economic landscape of Sicily shifted the Mafia's power base from rural to the urban areas. The Minister of Agriculture – a communist – pushed for reforms in which peasants were to get larger shares of produce, be allowed to form cooperatives and take over badly used land, and remove the system by which leaseholders (known as "gabelloti") could rent land from landowners for their own short-term use. Owners of especially large estates were to be forced to sell off some of their land. The Mafia had connections to many landowners and murdered many socialist reformers. The most notorious attack was the Portella della Ginestra massacre, when 11 people were killed and 33 wounded during May Day celebrations on May 1, 1947. The bloodbath was perpetrated by bandit Salvatore Giuliano who was possibly backed by local Mafia bosses. In the end, though, they couldn't stop the process, and many landowners chose to sell their land to mafiosi, who offered more money than the government.
In the 1950s, a crackdown in the United States on drug trafficking led to the imprisonment of many American mafiosi. Furthermore, Cuba, a major hub for drug smuggling, fell to Fidel Castro. This prompted American mafia boss Joseph Bonanno to return to Sicily in 1957 to franchise out his heroin operations to the Sicilian clans. Anticipating rivalries for the lucrative American drug market, he negotiated the establishment of a Sicilian Mafia Commission to mediate disputes.
The post-war period saw a huge building boom in Palermo. Allied bombing in World War II had left more than 14,000 people homeless, and migrants were pouring in from the countryside, so there was a huge demand for new homes. Much of this construction was subsidized by public money. In 1956, two Mafia-connected officials, Vito Ciancimino and Salvatore Lima, took control of Palermo's Office of Public Works. Between 1959 and 1963, about 80 percent of building permits were given to just five people, none of whom represented major construction firms and were probably Mafia frontmen. Construction companies unconnected with the Mafia were forced to pay protection money. Many buildings were illegally constructed before the city's planning was finalized. Mafiosi scared off anyone who dared to question the illegal building. The result of this unregulated building was the demolition of many historic buildings and the erection of apartment blocks, many of which were not up to standard.
Mafia organizations entirely control the building sector in Palermo – the quarries where aggregates are mined, site clearance firms, cement plants, metal depots for the construction industry, wholesalers for sanitary fixtures, and so on.
The 1950s saw the Mafia heavily penetrate the construction and cement industries. The cement business was appealing to the Mafia because it allows high levels of local economic involvement and is a good front for illegitimate operations.
The First Mafia War was the first high-profile conflict between Mafia clans in post-war Italy (the Sicilian Mafia has a long history of violent rivalries).
In 1962, mafia boss Cesare Manzella organized a drug shipment to America with the help of two Sicilian clans, the Grecos and the La Barberas. Manzella entrusted another boss Calcedonio Di Pisa to handle the heroin. When the shipment arrived in America, however, the American buyers claimed that some heroin was missing, and paid Di Pisa a commensurately lower sum. Di Pisa accused the Americans of defrauding him, while the La Barberas accused Di Pisa of embezzling the missing heroin. The Sicilian Mafia Commission sided with Di Pisa, to the open anger of the La Barberas. The La Barberas murdered Di Pisa and Manzella, triggering a war.
Many non-mafiosi were killed in the crossfire. In April 1963, several bystanders were wounded during a shootout in Palermo. In May, Angelo La Barbera survived a murder attempt in Milan. In June, six military officers and a policeman in Ciaculli were killed while trying to dispose of a car bomb. These incidents provoked national outrage and a crackdown in which nearly 2,000 arrests were made. Mafia activity fell as clans disbanded and mafiosi went into hiding. The Sicilian Mafia Commission was dissolved; it did not re-form until 1969. 117 suspects were put on trial in 1968, but most were acquitted or received light sentences. The inactivity plus money lost to legal fees and so forth reduced most mafiosi to poverty.
The 1950s and 1960s were difficult times for the mafia, but in the 1970s their rackets grew considerably more lucrative, particularly smuggling. The most lucrative racket of the 1970s was cigarette smuggling. Sicilian and Neapolitan crime bosses negotiated a joint monopoly over the smuggling of cigarettes to Naples.
Heroin refineries operated by Corsican gangsters in Marseilles were shut down by French authorities, and morphine traffickers looked to Sicily. Starting in 1975, Cosa Nostra set up heroin refineries around the island. Cosa Nostra sought to control both the refining and distribution of heroin. Sicilian mafiosi moved to the United States to personally control distribution networks there, often at the expense of their U.S. counterparts. Heroin addiction in North America surged from the mid-1970s into the early 1980s. By 1982, the Sicilian Mafia controlled about 80 percent of the heroin trade in the northeastern United States. Heroin was often distributed to street dealers from Mafia-owned pizzerias, and the revenues could be passed off as restaurant profits (the so-called Pizza Connection).
In the early 1970s, Luciano Leggio was boss of the Corleone clan and a member of the Sicilian Mafia Commission, and he forged a coalition of mafia clans known as the Corleonesi with himself as its leader. He initiated a campaign to dominate Cosa Nostra and its narcotics trade. Leggio was imprisoned in 1974, so he acted through his deputy Salvatore Riina, to whom he eventually handed over control. The Corleonesi bribed cash-strapped Palermo clans into the fold, subverted members of other clans, and secretly recruited new members. In 1977, the Corleonesi had Gaetano Badalamenti expelled from the Commission on trumped-up charges of hiding drug revenues. In April 1981, the Corleonesi murdered rival member of the Commission Stefano Bontade, and the Second Mafia War began in earnest. Hundreds of enemy mafiosi and their relatives were murdered, sometimes by traitors in their own clans. By manipulating the Mafia's rules and eliminating rivals, the Corleonesi came to completely dominate the Commission. Riina used his power over the Commission to replace the bosses of certain clans with hand-picked regents. In the end, the Corleonesi faction won and Riina effectively became the "boss of bosses" of the Sicilian Mafia.
At the same time that the Corleonesi waged their campaign to dominate Cosa Nostra, they also waged a campaign of murder against journalists, officials, and policemen who dared to cross them. The police were frustrated with the lack of help that they were receiving from witnesses and politicians. At the funeral of a policeman murdered by mafiosi in 1985, policemen insulted and spat at two attending politicians, and a fight broke out between them and military police.
In the early 1980s, magistrates Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino began a campaign against Cosa Nostra. Their big break came with the arrest of Tommaso Buscetta, a mafioso who chose to turn informant in exchange for protection from the Corleonesi, who had already murdered many of his friends and relatives. Other mafiosi followed his example. Falcone and Borsellino compiled their testimonies and organized the Maxi Trial which lasted from February 1986 to December 1987. It was held in a fortified courthouse specially built for the occasion. 474 mafiosi were put on trial, of whom 342 were convicted. In January 1992, the Italian Supreme Court confirmed these convictions.
রাস্ট্রের বিরুদ্ধে যুদ্ধ এবং রিনার পতন[সম্পাদনা]
The Mafia retaliated violently. In 1988, they murdered a Palermo judge and his son; three years later, a prosecutor and an anti-mafia businessman were also murdered. Salvatore Lima, a close political ally of the Mafia, was murdered for failing to reverse the convictions as promised. Falcone was killed on May 23, 1992 with 1000 kg of TNT positioned under the highway near Capaci, Sicily. Borsellino was also killed by a car bomb on July 19th 1992. This led to a public outcry and a massive government crackdown, resulting in the arrest of Salvatore Riina in January 1993. More and more defectors emerged. Many paid a high price for their cooperation, usually through the murder of relatives. For example, Francesco Marino Mannoia's mother, aunt, and sister were murdered.
After Riina's arrest, the Mafia began a campaign of terrorism on the Italian mainland. Tourist spots were attacked, such as the Via dei Georgofili in Florence, Via Palestro in Milan, and the Piazza San Giovanni in Laterano and Via San Teodoro in Rome, leaving 10 dead and 93 injured and causing severe damage to cultural heritage such as the Uffizi Gallery. The Catholic Church openly condemned the Mafia, and two churches were bombed and an anti-Mafia priest shot dead in Rome.
After Riina's capture, leadership of the Mafia was briefly held by Leoluca Bagarella, then passed to Bernardo Provenzano when Bagarella was captured in 1995. Provenzano halted the campaign of violence and replaced it with a campaign of quietness known as Pax Mafiosa.
Under Bernardo Provenzano's leadership, murders of state officials were halted. He also halted the policy of murdering informants and their families, with a view instead to getting them to retract their testimonies and return to the fold. He also restored the common support fund for imprisoned mafiosi.
The tide of defectors was greatly stemmed. The Mafia preferred to initiate relatives of existing mafiosi, believing them to be less prone to defection. Provenzano was arrested in 2006, after 43 years on the run. His successor as boss is Messina Denaro.
ইতালিতে আধুনিক মাফিয়া[সম্পাদনা]
The incarcerated bosses are currently subjected to strict controls on their contact with the outside world, limiting their ability to run their operations from behind bars under the article 41-bis prison regime. Antonino Giuffrè is a close confidant of Provenzano who turned pentito shortly after his capture in 2002. He alleges that Cosa Nostra had direct contact in 1993 with representatives of Silvio Berlusconi who was then planning the birth of Forza Italia.
The alleged deal included a repeal of 41 bis, among other anti-Mafia laws, in return for electoral support in Sicily. Nevertheless, Giuffrè's declarations have not yet been confirmed. The Italian Parliament reinforced the provisions of the 41 bis, with the full support of Forza Italia. The bill was to expire in 2002 but has been prolonged for another four years and extended to other crimes such as terrorism. However, according to one of Italy's leading magazines L'Espresso, 119 mafiosi have been released on an individual basis – one-fifth of those incarcerated under the 41 bis regime. The human rights group Amnesty International has expressed concern that the 41-bis regime could, in some circumstances, amount to "cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment" for prisoners.
By the late 1990s, the weakened Cosa Nostra had to yield most of the illegal drug trade to the 'Ndrangheta crime organization from Calabria. In 2006, the 'Ndrangheta was estimated to control 80 percent of the cocaine imported to Europe. In 2012, it was reported that the Mafia had joined forces with the Mexican drug cartels.
In October 2017, members of the Renzvillo crime family and 2 Carabinieri military police officers were arrested for involvement in the drug trade and large scale extortion. Altogether 37 people were arrested and over 600 officers were deployed. €11 million euros ($12 million) in real estate and goods were seized by police. A business owner was forced to pay €180,000 ($212,000). The Renzvillo mafia family have allegedly set up alliances with the 'ndrangheta and Camorra. The leader is suspected of previously sending members of his organisation to Karlsruhe and Cologne in Germany.
On January 22, 2018, 58 people connected to 16 mafia families were arrested by Carabinieri police in Caltanissetta, Palermo, Enna, Ragusa, Agrigento and Catania. Some of the most common charges were mafia association, drug trafficking, extortion, fraud and vote buying. The mayor of San Biagio Platani, Santino Sabella, was among the arrested and accused of agreeing candidates for the 2014 local elections with the Sicilian Mafia and exerting pressure on the allocation of council contracts. Two companies running migrant reception centres in Sicily were targeted as protection rackets, overall 27 businesses were targeted and extorted.
On 1 February, 2018, 31 people with ties to a crime family based in Palermo were arrested and charged with money laundering, fraud and drug trafficking, as part of Operation "Game over". Benedetto Bacchi, reportedly controlled over 700 betting shops across Italy and was earning roughly €1 million euros per month, using an online gambling operator licensed in Malta; his license was suspended. According to investigators, Bacchi bought a construction company, and a villa formerly owned by footballer Giovanni Tedesco for €500,000 euros, the day after Bacchi listed the house for sale at the price of €1.3 million euros. He also allegedly considered taking over a news publication with his criminal proceeds. Investigators also alleged that the American Mafia in New York had set up a profitable food export company with the Sicilian mafia.
- Raab, Selwyn (মে ১৩, ২০১৪)। Five Families: The Rise, Decline and Resurrection of America's Most power Mafia Empire (1at সংস্করণ)। Thomas Dunne Books। পৃষ্ঠা 13। আইএসবিএন 978-0312361815।
- Gambetta (1993)
- Gambetta (2009)
- This etymology is based on the books Mafioso by Gaia Servadio, The Sicilian Mafia by Diego Gambetta, and Cosa Nostra by John Dickie (see Books below).
- Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia. pp. 259-261.
- John Follain (৮ জুন ২০০৯)। The Last Godfathers। Hachette UK। আইএসবিএন 9781848942493।
Even the origin of the word 'mafia' remains obscure. Some believe its roots lie in the Arab domination of Sicily from 827 to 1061 and the Arabic word mahias (daring) or Ma àfir (the name of a Saracen tribe).
- Henner Hess (১৯৯৮)। Mafia & Mafiosi: Origin, Power and Myth। NYU Press। পৃষ্ঠা 1। আইএসবিএন 9781863331432।
- Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia, p. 136.
- Lupo, The History of the Mafia আর্কাইভ 2013-01-06 at the Wayback Machine., p. 3.
- Lupo, History of the Mafia, pp. 1–2
- Their Thing, Time, 16 August 1963.
- Killers in Prison, Time, 4 October 1963.
- "The Smell of It", Time, 11 October 1963.
- Dickie (2007)
- Paoli (2003), পৃ. 24
- HachetteAustralia (২০১১-০২-০৯)। "John Dickie on Blood Brotherhoods"। YouTube। সংগ্রহের তারিখ ২০১১-১২-১১।
- Jason Sardell, Economic Origins of the Mafia and Patronage System in Sicily, 2009.
- Oriana Bandiera, Private States and the Enforcement of Property Rights: Theory and evidence on the origins of the Sicilian mafia আর্কাইভ 2012-03-19 at the Wayback Machine., 2001, pp. 8-10
- Gambetta (1993), পৃ. 94
- D. Mack Smith. A History of Sicily: Modern Sicily, after 1713. p. 368.
- Lupo, History of the Mafia, p. 34
- Gambetta (1993), পৃ. 83
- Gambetta (1993), পৃ. 87
- Gambetta. The Sicilian Mafia: The Business of Private Protection. p. 94.
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 39
- Paoli. Mafia Brotherhoods. pg 161
- Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods, p. 33
- Lupo, History of the Mafia, p. 47
- See: Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods, p. 33 (Colonna seemed to have known what he was talking about, as there was widespread suspicion that he was the protector of some important Mafiosi in Palermo).
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 39-46
- Gaia Servadio. Mafioso, p. 18
- Lupo (2009), পৃ. 49
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 96
- The Mafia and the ‘Problem of the Mafia": Organised Crime in Italy, 1820-1970, by Gianluca Fulvetti, in Fijnaut & Paoli, Organised crime in Europe, p. 64.
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 91-93
- To Annihilate the Mafia, The New York Times, February 27, 1898
- Buonanno, Paolo; Durante, Ruben; Prarolo, Giovanni; Vanin, Paolo (২০১৫-০৮-০১)। "Poor Institutions, Rich Mines: Resource Curse in the Origins of the Sicilian Mafia"। The Economic Journal। 125 (586): F175–F202। doi:10.1111/ecoj.12236। আইএসএসএন 1468-0297।
- Dimico, Arcangelo; Olsson, Ola; Isopi, Alessia (২০১২-০৫-১৩)। "Origins of the Sicilian Mafia"। VoxEU.org। সংগ্রহের তারিখ ২০১৭-০৪-১২।
- Dimico, Arcangelo; Isopi, Alessia; Olsson, Ola (২০১৭)। "Origins of the Sicilian Mafia: The Market for Lemons"। The Journal of Economic History। 77 (4): 1083–1115। doi:10.1017/S002205071700078X। আইএসএসএন 0022-0507।
- Duggan, Fascism and the Mafia, p. 119
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 152
- Duggan, The Force of Destiny, p. 451-52
- Lupo, History of the Mafia, p. 175
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 173
- Lupo (2009), পৃ. 174
- Lupo (2009), পৃ. 182
- Lupo, History of the Mafia, p. 179
- Mafia Trial, Time, 24 October 1927
- Mafia Scotched, Time, 23 January 1928
- Selwyn Raab, Five Families, p. ?
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 176
- Lupo, History of the Mafia, p. 186
- Lupo, History of the Mafia, p. 182
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 243
- Lupo. History of the Mafia. p. 188
- Servadio, Mafioso, p. 91
- Fighting the Mafia in World War Two, by Tim Newark, May 2007
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 240
- Lupo (2009), পৃ. 189
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 245
- (ইতালীয়) Petrotta, La strage e i depistaggi, p. 97
- (ইতালীয়) Portella, fu strage di mafia, La Sicilia, November 22, 2009
- The Sack of Palermo and the Concrete Business of the Sicilian Mafia, Florence Newspaper
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 293-297
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 278
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 281
- Paoli. Mafia Brotherhoods. p. 167
- McCarthy (2011), পৃ. 44
- Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia, pp. 237-238
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 312
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 318
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 325
- Arlacchi (1993), পৃ. 93
- Arlacchi. Men of Dishonour. p. 120
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 357
- Peter Kerr (১৩ সেপ্টেম্বর ১৯৮৬), "Browth in Heroin Use Ending as City Users Turn to Crack", The New York Times, সংগ্রহের তারিখ ১৫ মার্চ ২০১৬
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 358
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 369-370
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 371
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 373
- Dearth of honour. The Guardian. February 21, 2004.
- Paoli. Mafia Brotherhoods. p. 54
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 389-390
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 416
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 427
- Dickie (2007), পৃ. 429
- "Berlusconi implicated in deal with godfathers", The Guardian, December 5, 2002
- "Berlusconi aide 'struck deal with mafia'", The Guardian, January 8, 2003
- "Mafia supergrass fingers Berlusconi" by Philip Willan, The Observer, January 12, 2003
- (ইতালীয়) Caserta, revocato 41 bis a figlio Bidognetti: lo dice ancora l'Espresso, Casertasete, January, 2006
- Amnesty International Report 2003 - Italy, Amnesty International, May 28, 2003
- All the prime minister's men, by Alexander Stille, The Independent, September 24, 1995
- Move over, Cosa Nostra, The Guardian, June 8, 2006
- "Mexican Drug Cartels Join Forces with Italian Mafia to Supply Cocaine to Europe"। Fox News Latino। জুন ২১, ২০১২। সংগ্রহের তারিখ নভেম্বর ২৩, ২০১২।
- "Anti-Mafia Bust in Italy and Germany Snares 37 Sicilian Mobsters"। Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project। সংগ্রহের তারিখ ১৮ অক্টোবর ২০১৭।
- "Italian, German police seize millions, bust Sicilian mafia ring"। DW। সংগ্রহের তারিখ ১৮ অক্টোবর ২০১৭।
- "Mafia bosses, one politician among 56 netted in Sicily's major anti-mafia operation"। Xinhua Net। সংগ্রহের তারিখ ২৩ জানুয়ারি ২০১৮।
- "Mafia operation in Sicily, 58 arrested"। Ansa। সংগ্রহের তারিখ ২৩ জানুয়ারি ২০১৮।
- "'Betting king' among 31 in Mafia op"। ANSA। সংগ্রহের তারিখ ২২ ফেব্রুয়ারি ২০১৮।
- "Game Over for Italy's "King of Gambling" linked to Cosa Nostra"। Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project। সংগ্রহের তারিখ ২২ ফেব্রুয়ারি ২০১৮।
- "From the player's villa to the vineyards All the assets of the Bacchus empire"। Live Sicilia। Riccardo Lo Verso। সংগ্রহের তারিখ ২২ ফেব্রুয়ারি ২০১৮।
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- Direzione Investigativa Antimafia (ইতালীয়)